Beyond Gray Davis

GRAY DAVIS WAS elected governor, fair and square (or at least, as close to fair and square as is possible in this corrupt, campaign money-driven political system) less than a year ago. The move to recall him from office isn't based on some high crime or misdemeanor; it's a political move launched and funded by right-wing Republicans using the state's budget crisis as grounds to undo the 2002 election.

The governor's political operatives make those points repeatedly, and it's hard to argue with any of them.

But however heinous or self-serving the motivations of the recall sponsors, there's a good reason Davis is likely to be the first California governor ever to face a recall election. He's not only unpopular – he's also completely alienated most of the constituencies that ought to be his biggest supporters. His crass and arrogant attitude and his transformation of the governor's office into little more than a giant fundraising machine, owned and operated by wealthy businesses and interest groups, have made him a symbol for many Californians of all that's wrong with Golden State politics. Davis can complain all he wants about the West Coast version of Hillary Clinton's vast right-wing conspiracy, but the truth is, he brought this on himself.

Let's remember: Davis supported a terrible electricity deregulation plan, refused to challenge the big private power companies during the energy crisis that followed, and then signed foolish long-term contracts that cost the state billions. He's cut money for schools (infuriating the teachers unions that strongly supported him) to build prisons (helping the only group that seems to get anything out of him, the prison guards union). He's taken huge campaign contributions from banks and insurance companies and then vetoed or helped kill a series of immensely popular pro-consumer privacy bills. He took the unprecedented step of using his own campaign money to interfere in the Republican primary, ensuring that moderate Richard Riordan wouldn't be challenging him for governor.

Now, when he needs friends so desperately, he's discovering that he doesn't have many left. If the latest polls are any indication, there's a very good chance Davis will be recalled from office.

But there's a lot more at stake in this recall than just Davis – and that's why the leadership of the Democratic Party needs to stop letting the needs and interests of the governor take precedence over the needs of the people of California.

The recall ballot won't just ask about Davis's removal. Voters will simultaneously choose another candidate for governor, and if Davis is removed, that person will take his place, immediately. The candidate who gets the most votes – not a majority, a plurality – will become the chief executive of the most populous state in the nation. Anyone who comes up with a modest filing fee and a handful of signatures can run, which means there may be a dozen or more candidates to replace Davis, and a totally unqualified, even frightening Republican with name recognition (like Arnold Schwarzenegger – don't laugh, it's not a joke) could emerge on top of the heap.

So far the Democratic Party has done exactly what the Davis camp wants. No credible Democrat has stepped forward to appear on the ballot. It's a strategic game: Davis's campaign advisors say they can better defeat the recall if there are no Democrats running and it can be portrayed as a purely partisan effort. That way the Davis operatives can do what they're good at and attack the GOP without trying to defend the incumbent's record.

But it's an irresponsible gamble. Sure, Davis might be able to raise millions more this fall, defeat the recall, and limp through the rest of his term – as a weak, damaged governor who owes even more favors to campaign donors. But that's by no means a sure thing, and there's far too much at stake to risk it all on a governor who is so vulnerable (and has done such a consistently good job of making himself vulnerable).

The vote last fall was less a resounding endorsement of Davis as a leader than a strong statement that the people of California don't want a right-wing, antichoice Republican running the state. If there's a decent Democrat on the ballot, it might somewhat increase the chances that Davis will lose his job – but it will dramatically decrease the chances that a Republican will replace him. (Remember: You can vote against the recall and still vote for another Democrat to replace Davis).

We're not big fans of Sen. Dianne Feinstein, but the polls show she would crush any GOP candidate. So, presumably, would Attorney General Bill Lockyer, or former representative Leon Panetta, or a number of others. Peter Camejo, the Green Party candidate for governor last year, has already announced he will enter the race. A strong Democrat ought to run too – or Californians could wind up by default with a Republican governor they don't want or deserve.