From here to Abu Ghraib
JUST IMAGINE, for a minute, what would have happened if there
weren't any photos or videos of the abuses at Abu Ghraib.
The press might have reported some "allegations" of prisoner
abuse, and a few more aggressive reporters might have quoted a few eyewitnesses
describing grisly scenes. But the Pentagon would have denied it, any
official investigation would have been cloaked in greatly tempered language,
and in a few days, the Bush administration would have been able to dismiss
the whole thing as a bunch of unfounded charges by malcontents who might
be associated with al-Qaeda, repeated by liberal whiners who opposed
the war on terrorism.
It's exactly the same thing that would have happened if nobody had
happened to videotape the beating of Rodney King. Or if Linda Vaccarezza
tried to accuse the San Francisco police of misconduct in breaking her
arm but didn't have a video to prove it. And it's a clear case for ending
the ban on media access to prisoners in California.
• • •
What happened at Abu Ghraib is, of course, horrifying, and the story
gets worse almost every day, as more photos of abuse become public.
The widespread pattern of dehumanizing torture can't possibly have been
entirely the work of a handful of low-ranking soldiers this sort
of behavior was clearly condoned, if not ordered, from on high, and
if the investigation and courts-martial ultimately don't include senior
military officers, the United States will continue to lose credibility
on the world stage.
In fact, as Pratap Chatterjee and A.C. Thompson report on page 19,
there's considerable evidence that private defense contractors, who
are immune from prosecution under military codes, may have played a
significant role in the torture. That ought to be a big part of the
final inquiry into this nightmare and it makes a strong case
to end the Bush administration's practice of privatizing the U.S. military
(see "Soldiers of Fortune," 5/1/02).
But there's another element to this story that needs to be told. If
President Bush really wants to argue that the abuse of prisoners is
"un-American," then he needs to look back home, at the prison
system in the United States. Because dehumanizing treatment, and even
outright torture, is a part of life in countless U.S. prisons
and because there are rarely photos, and inmates have little credibility
or access to legal help or media attention, the public knows little
about it.
As Joe Loya reports on page 18, a 1996 videotape in Bush's home state
of Texas shows prison guards forcing naked inmates to crawl on their
bellies while they were beaten with sticks and bitten by dogs. In 1997,
guards from Corcoran State Prison in California were charged with staging
gladiator-style battles between inmates, then shooting and killing some
of them. The list goes on and on and these are only the very
few incidents that we know about.
In California, the prison system has become a $5.7 billion-a-year monstrosity,
with more than 300,000 people locked behind bars and a climate
that almost ensures abuse. The prison guards union has immense political
power, and there's almost no civilian oversight. Most important, perhaps,
the state government has systematically blocked news media access to
state prisons. That's a guarantee that horrible problems will occur,
and nobody will ever find out.
In theory, just about any interaction between a guard and a
prisoner that happens behind prison walls ought to be videotaped, and
the tapes handed over the attorney general (not the Department of Corrections),
so that allegations of abuse could be checked and accurately evaluated.
But that's unlikely to happen. At the very least, the state legislature
should pass a strong bill ensuring that the press and public have extensive
access to inmates, prison records, and documents about life on the other
side of the barbed wire. That's one of the lingering lessons of Abu
Ghraib.